Tag Archives: long war

#10: February 17, 1942 — “SALE AND MANUFACTURE OF WAR”

This challenge is a chance to— —about the sale and manufacture of war.  This war is part of a profit.  The present phase of that profit began at the end of the 17th Century.  By 1750 a corrupt and avaricious government in England, working for British monopolies, was shutting down on the Pennsylvania colony’s issue of money, paper money, money issued against land, work and the industrious and sane nature of the Pennsylvania colonists.

I have given between 70 and 100 talks on the radio and if I come back to the microphone 100 or 200 times more, I could start every talk with that statement.  Until you see this war as an incident in a series, you cannot understand it or judge it or qualify yourselves as judges of the rights and wrongs of the present act in the story.

Will men of my generation in America stop to consider what is not printed ?  Will Americans between the age of 50 and 60 look back honestly over their own reading over what they have read during the past 50 years ?  Note the vague dissatisfaction, the sense of bafflement, especially for the man who reads after working hours.

Now take the current issues of supposedly serious magazines, magazines that are certainly authoritative in a twisted sense, authoritative and influential.  I believe one of them nominated Willkie and by now perhaps that fact needs no comment whatever.  I’ve been accused in these talks but, if anyone has seriously answered any of my statements, they have been unable to do so in any form that reaches me.  Well, I ask my compatriots of my own age to note that the very high percentage of articles printed in

American magazines contains a joker, that is a silent point, a basically false assumption.  I don’t mean they all contain the same false assumption.  I point k out that there is no public medium in the United States for serious discussion.

Every [one?] of these publications has subjects which its policy forbids it to mention or to mention without falsification.  And I ask the men in my generation to consider the effects, the cumulative effect of this state of things which does not date from September, 1941, but has been going on ever since we can remember.

The progressive falsification of America has been going on for 80 years at least and we have lived through half of it.  I mean as conscious leaders, we have had 40 years of ill-intentional and of semi-conscious befuddlement to contend with and it is time to come to the cumulative effect of that profit.

Baruch, Berle, Best?—to take three names starred in American publicity, one pronouncement and two headlined articles are before me.  All of these men writing and speaking with authority of a sort official positions, dominant in national affairs and with such views that no man under 40 can possibly untangle their cobwebs.

In normal times, qualified readers wouldn’t try.  They would let it go at that.  They would be busy on constructive work.  The old are indifferent, the experienced are indifferent and a cautious son of a New York editor, now in his 70th year, I mean the son in his 70th year, remembered his father’s— —. He shrugged his shoulders, or did when I saw him last autumn, who is he to impede human carnage ?  The folly of all mankind ain’t nothing, but human imbecility gives us an idea of the infinite.  And in a way, as he said, do nothing about it.

Well, there is still time to learn something about it, still time to fight against a peace that can be no peace, still time to fight against widespread efforts to prevent the end of the slaughter, which efforts are being made.  I mean people are now trying to prevent the war from ending.  People have already planned for a peace like the last, a mere parenthesis, a mere slow-up of munition sales, a mere disequilibrium that will keep the world on tenterhooks between the end of this war and the start of the next one.

You cannot sit in Ohio and judge the Balkans.  You cannot judge China from Omaha.  You could read, and perhaps some American will some day make a vow to read one old paper or magazine once a month, by all means say three or six months old, and once a year read a still older one.  That might give you a perspective.

Unless you know at least as much about the past 20 years of Italian history as is contained in old— —volume on “Italian Socio-Economic Policy,” you will not be able to observe how much of old programs has been recently endorsed by Barney Baruch.  Nor will you be able to see the price of confidence was— —article in October Fortune, A.A. Berle, Assistant Secretary of State.

Well, when I was in Washington, a member of the Cabinet told me that so far as he knew Barney was a patriotic gentleman.

Baruch now came out for a constituted price, a price in accord with— —, a price that would guarantee just recompense to everyone who collaborates in a final product.

I will be ready to consider Baruch’s a patriot when he comes out seriously for abolition of the national debt.  He is far in— —that lives in the new economics.

Now Berle’s article is very nice in the second half.  It— —.

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#7: February 3, 1942 — “30 YEARS OR A HUNDRED”

The prospect of a 30 years war is not one to arouse mirth and hilarity even in a flighty, chicken headed and irresponsible people such as the United States of Americans.

You are in it, and Lord knows, who is a goin’ to git you out.  The late Lord Rothermere, whose culture was nothin’, as you might say, to write home about, finally decided that the English public was wholly unteachable.  I don’t know whether you can learn ANYTHING from history, I don’t know whether you are even yet in the state of mind where you want to learn any thing from history or from any other source whatsoever.

A way to get yourselves OUT, might be discoverable, it might be more discoverable if you first had the faint inkling of a curiosity as to how you got yourselves IN.

Now whether you can learn anything from the disasters of England, I do not know.  But I would about lay it down as an axiom that empires do not get knocked apart from outside until they are plum gone to rot in the middle.

The laws of right government have been known since the days of Yao and Shun, ole Chinese emperors, and from the time of Shun to King Wen was a 1000 years, and from Wen to Confucius 500.

And they say when the policies of Shun and of Wan were set together (compared), they were as the two halves of a seal, or it might be of a tally stick.

And for nigh onto 4000 years I think no one has dodged the facts of these policies.  And from the time of Confucius every dynasty in China that has lasted 300 years has been founded on the law of Confucius, a man or a group, seem’ the horse sense of government, as learned by Confucius, I mean he learned it looking at history, talking of Shun and Wan and after him whenever a great man learned it he started or upheld some sort of imperial order.

And for that reason I am distinctly unimpressed by the bombastic lies of Mr. Winston Churchill or the dirt of Mr. Anthony Eden.

And if the United States was going to have a foreign alliance, I would have preferred it to be with some other kind of a government than Eden and Churchill.  There are worse things than a biff on the jaw.  Get slugged on the jaw, you can mebbe get up and fight, but a long term of syphilis weakens the constitution.

No, the United States has, politically and economically speaking, had economic political syphilis for the past 80 years.  Ever since 1863.  And England has had economic syphilis for 240 years, so now she is a moultin’ and droppin’, Hong Kong, Singapore, Canada, and Australia.  Seems like it is tertiary.

Well, as Lord Rothermere said: they are unteachable.  I don’t know how much more they reckon to drop before they get ready for physic.  I have said on this radio before now that along about 1695 or 94 the Bank of England was put together, and in 1750 they shut down on the Pennsylvania colony money, and the system of lending paper out to the farmers.  And in 1776 the natural consequences of that dirty London policy of starvin’ and cheatin’ became, as they say, more apparent.  And a year or two later Johnnie Adams said to the British commander: They were havin’ a parley, sez John Adams.  “I don’t care what capacity I am received in, receive me in any capacity you like except that of a British subject.” So the first large scale effect of the London cheatin’, and money monopoly was the loss of the American colonies.  The Chinese have a method of countin’ cycles of 80 years.  I don’t know that there is much in it, but it seems to work sometimes.  Eighty years, from the bank to the American Revolution.  About 80 years from startin the American government to the great betrayal of 1863.  Think it over And from 63 to the present OUR rise as a state thru three or four major, but POSITIVE convulsions, like Jefferson’s revolt against Hamilton’s dirtiness, the Jackson-Van Buren war for the liberation of the American Treasury.  Lincoln’s sayin’, “gave to this people the greatest blessin’ they ever had, their own paper to pay their own debt.” And then the assassination of Lincoln.

And then another 80 years: to the END, and absolute collapse of the American system of government.

Can we revive it ?

Has the country got the guts for the climb ?  Is there, as I am sayin’ this, the faintest stirring of a desire INside the United States for any healthy new structure ?  Or are we the gadarine swine taken with collective hysteria ?  Are there ten men in America ready calmly to go back over the events of the past few years, in America and in England ?  Is there the faintest stirring of American curiosity as to how a sane government could be built up ?  Or at any rate any nucleus or group ready to go back and learn how we were built up from the beginning ?

Adams, Jefferson, and Van Buren to read and digest.  You can’t talk it over with me; because none of you can get to a radio.  You can’t print stuff like this in your papers, cause the newspapers are NOT there to inform the people.  You have got to talk to each other, you have got to write letters one to another.

The texts and the guides you have got, that is, in a way you have got ’em, sprawled out, in big sets of unhandy volumes.  Our publishers don’t print handy compendiums.  Your professors don’t analyze, that is, not very much.  I don’t know what has become of Claude Bowers.  He did a bit of digging about.  You have a half-dozen historians but not all of ’em, by any means, able to take out the facts and show how they hitch together.

I dunno how you think you are going to assist in a war by a money system which, as Jefferson already saw, “charges the public TWO dollars for every dollar spent by the government,” just automatically and independent of any particular grafting and swindling.

Thirty years war, 30 years paradise for Army contractors, may not be what you voted for.  In fact, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt on that score is manifestly what they called him here the other day: the boy that fell down on his assignment.  And when you think, if you do think, of the BILLIONS that have been lifted by the Morgenthau treasury policy during the past nine years of peace time.  God knows.

God knows what it will be during warfare, or by the end, shall we say, thirty years ?  Well, you are now IN, and nobody in Europe can now get you out.  Inspired (shall we say) by the principle of self-determination of peoples, oppressed peoples ?  Illustratin’ it by the determination to keep Mr. Aguinaldo out of his native Manila you have chucked away our national cultural heritage.

Relatively speakin’ that heritage was the determination of our forebears to set up and maintain in the North American continent a government better than any other.

The determination to govern ourselves INternally, better than any other nation on earth.  The idea of Washington, Jefferson, Monroe, to keep out of foreign shindies.

Well, you have chucked that idea, or ideal onto the dung heap.  And you have insulted the most highly tempered people on earth.  With unspeakable vulgarity you have insulted the most finely tempered people on earth, threatenin’ ’em with starvation, threatenin’ ’em with encirclement and tellin’ ’em they were too low down to fight.

You are at war for the duration of the Tenno’s pleasure.  Nothin’ in the Western World; nothin’ in the whole of our Occident can help you to dodge that.  Nothin’ can help you dodge it.

I could go along on this line for some time, but mebbe I said enough for one evenin’.

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