This challenge is a chance to— —about the sale and manufacture of war. This war is part of a profit. The present phase of that profit began at the end of the 17th Century. By 1750 a corrupt and avaricious government in England, working for British monopolies, was shutting down on the Pennsylvania colony’s issue of money, paper money, money issued against land, work and the industrious and sane nature of the Pennsylvania colonists.
I have given between 70 and 100 talks on the radio and if I come back to the microphone 100 or 200 times more, I could start every talk with that statement. Until you see this war as an incident in a series, you cannot understand it or judge it or qualify yourselves as judges of the rights and wrongs of the present act in the story.
Will men of my generation in America stop to consider what is not printed ? Will Americans between the age of 50 and 60 look back honestly over their own reading over what they have read during the past 50 years ? Note the vague dissatisfaction, the sense of bafflement, especially for the man who reads after working hours.
Now take the current issues of supposedly serious magazines, magazines that are certainly authoritative in a twisted sense, authoritative and influential. I believe one of them nominated Willkie and by now perhaps that fact needs no comment whatever. I’ve been accused in these talks but, if anyone has seriously answered any of my statements, they have been unable to do so in any form that reaches me. Well, I ask my compatriots of my own age to note that the very high percentage of articles printed in
American magazines contains a joker, that is a silent point, a basically false assumption. I don’t mean they all contain the same false assumption. I point k out that there is no public medium in the United States for serious discussion.
Every [one?] of these publications has subjects which its policy forbids it to mention or to mention without falsification. And I ask the men in my generation to consider the effects, the cumulative effect of this state of things which does not date from September, 1941, but has been going on ever since we can remember.
The progressive falsification of America has been going on for 80 years at least and we have lived through half of it. I mean as conscious leaders, we have had 40 years of ill-intentional and of semi-conscious befuddlement to contend with and it is time to come to the cumulative effect of that profit.
Baruch, Berle, Best?—to take three names starred in American publicity, one pronouncement and two headlined articles are before me. All of these men writing and speaking with authority of a sort official positions, dominant in national affairs and with such views that no man under 40 can possibly untangle their cobwebs.
In normal times, qualified readers wouldn’t try. They would let it go at that. They would be busy on constructive work. The old are indifferent, the experienced are indifferent and a cautious son of a New York editor, now in his 70th year, I mean the son in his 70th year, remembered his father’s— —. He shrugged his shoulders, or did when I saw him last autumn, who is he to impede human carnage ? The folly of all mankind ain’t nothing, but human imbecility gives us an idea of the infinite. And in a way, as he said, do nothing about it.
Well, there is still time to learn something about it, still time to fight against a peace that can be no peace, still time to fight against widespread efforts to prevent the end of the slaughter, which efforts are being made. I mean people are now trying to prevent the war from ending. People have already planned for a peace like the last, a mere parenthesis, a mere slow-up of munition sales, a mere disequilibrium that will keep the world on tenterhooks between the end of this war and the start of the next one.
You cannot sit in Ohio and judge the Balkans. You cannot judge China from Omaha. You could read, and perhaps some American will some day make a vow to read one old paper or magazine once a month, by all means say three or six months old, and once a year read a still older one. That might give you a perspective.
Unless you know at least as much about the past 20 years of Italian history as is contained in old— —volume on “Italian Socio-Economic Policy,” you will not be able to observe how much of old programs has been recently endorsed by Barney Baruch. Nor will you be able to see the price of confidence was— —article in October Fortune, A.A. Berle, Assistant Secretary of State.
Well, when I was in Washington, a member of the Cabinet told me that so far as he knew Barney was a patriotic gentleman.
Baruch now came out for a constituted price, a price in accord with— —, a price that would guarantee just recompense to everyone who collaborates in a final product.
I will be ready to consider Baruch’s a patriot when he comes out seriously for abolition of the national debt. He is far in— —that lives in the new economics.
Now Berle’s article is very nice in the second half. It— —.